I am optimistic about this election. There is an uncertainty, an edgy volatility, which contradicts the doom-mongers who keep insisting 'no-one cares' and talking our politics down.
Sometimes at elections the national mood is obvious. In 1997, there was a collective cheer when nearly two decades of Conservative rule ended. But today, the voice of the people is unclear. Some observers claim what is happening is a permanent disconnection between politics and people. But I have travelled thousands of miles on the campaign trail - for local, national and by-elections - during this parliament. I also marched with a million protesters against the Iraq war. I agree the electorate is unsettled; but not uncaring. It's time for democracy to reassert itself.
The Iraq war has been a catalyst. The dismay those protesters felt when the Prime Minister scorned their attempts to stop the war has turned to deep anger. They are angry about the war; angry about the way we are led - about the casual disregard for facts and the sidelining of cabinet and parliament; angry with an electoral system which permits a government to have enormous power without representing the way our votes are cast; angry at the undermining of our liberal traditions of tolerance, fairness and justice - our civil liberties - justified by the 'war on terror'.
Another catalyst is distaste. Distaste and sometimes disgust at the way Labour and the Conservatives are conducting themselves. If the past few weeks are any guide, the thrust of the Conservative election campaign will be that hospital isn't safe because you will catch a bug and die; the streets are awash with immigrants and asylum seekers who require health checks; gypsies may be massing at the bottom of your garden - but it's OK, because Oliver Letwin has found a magic formula to cut taxes, increase spending and pay off the national debt all at the same time. The politics of fear are mingled with the politics of fantasy.
Labour, is no better. Principled points about policy have been pushed aside for the politics of the nursery. Conservatives are demonised and the bogeyman is a possible Lib Dem surge putting Howard into No 10. These are fairy tales. No-one believes the Conservatives can win this election. Their support has not increased since William Hague was forced to quit in 2001; they are out of the race in Scotland and Wales; we are the challengers in urban Britain - especially the northern cities where the Tories don't even have any councillors; and they are failing to make inroads in Lib Dem territory in the South West. Yet Labour politicians keep repeating the stories - just as Ken Livingstone did in the pages of this newspaper on the morning of the Brent East by-election. Forget arguing in favour of what Labour could do for the people of Brent; just frighten the children with a non-existent Tory challenge. No wonder people now mistrust Labour.
Yet there is a great political debate to be had at this election - a vital argument about what sort of country we want to live in.
Britain is the world's fourth largest economy. This is a good country, with honourable traditions of decency and fairness. So how can it be right that the wealthiest 20% pay less of their income in tax than the poorest 20%? Why, in the 21st century, is a woman who has taken time out of working to care for elderly parents or young children not entitled to a pension in her own right? What is fair about a system of funding for our universities which discriminates against children from poorer backgrounds?
At this election, the Liberal Democrats will publish a manifesto which is unashamedly liberal in tone and democratic in execution; and which is affordable, credible and costed. Our outlook is contemporary. We have a green thread running through our policy proposals.
Our tax policies are progressive. A local income tax instead of the council tax is based on ability to pay. According to the independent Institute of Fiscal Studies, 75% of families would either be better off or no worse off, including 6 million pensioners who would pay no council tax at all. In addition, we would introduce a 50p top rate of tax on income over £100,000. This would affect the wealthiest 1% of taxpayers and would pay for three specific policies; abolition of student top up and tuition fees, introducing free care like help with washing, dressing and feeding for elderly people with long term degenerative illnesses and smoothing in the transition from the unfair council tax to a local income tax.
Other policies would be funded by re-prioritising £5 billion a year of government spending. For example, we would scrap some government departments like the DTI, transferring key functions elsewhere; we would scrap the third stage of Euro-fighter; we would get rid of the ineffective baby bonds; abandon proposals for a compulsory ID card and use that money more efficiently and effectively. We would create a 'citizen's pension' for the over 75s which would automatically entitle women to their own pension and we would increase that pension by £100 a month which would not be means-tested. We would also reduce class sizes, put 10,000 more police on the streets and help first time parents with an increased maternity income guarantee.
Policies reflect a party's philosophy, but government is also about behaviour. In 2001, I had only just been elected leader. Over the course of this parliament, I believe the Liberal Democrats can be justly proud of our record in standing up for what we believe in - whether popular or not - and representing a large section of the population as an alternative to Labour and the Conservatives. We opposed the Iraq war - they backed it. We opposed student tuition fees. We were the first to call for a Referendum on the European Constitution. During the recent controversial passage of the anti-terrorism legislation, we put the principled case for judges rather than politicians making the decision to lock people up and in favour of higher standards of evidence, forcing the Government to concede that the Act can be repealed in the next parliament. We oppose compulsory ID cards and favour quality public local public services rather than false elements of 'choice'. We have been united in putting our principles first in decision-making.
At this election, I will make the case for a Britain which is governed as a progressive, outward looking, environmentally friendly society. I favour multi-culturalism and our traditions of tolerance and inclusiveness. I will continue to talk positively about sensible immigration and asylum policies and I shall keep a wary liberal eye on issues of civil liberty where the executive seeks to undermine hard won rights.
I shall make the case - and that's why I am optimistic about this election. It is clearly three party politics. I won't predict the outcome, but I do sense that our democracy is moving in a new direction and the Liberal Democrats are integral and essential to achieving that change.
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